ႏိုင္ငံတကာအၾကမ္းဖက္အဖြဲ႔ႏွင့္ခ်ိတ္ဆက္မႈမ်ား

မူဆလင္လက္နက္ကိုင္အဖြဲ႔မ်ား၏ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံႏွင့္အစိုးရအေပၚတြင္ လက္နက္ကိုင္ေတာ္လွန္မႈႏွင့္ ႏိုင္ငံျခားဘာသာေရးအဖြဲ႔မ်ား၏ အကူအညီေထာက္ပံ့မႈကို ရယူမႈမွာ အေရအတြက္အားျဖင့္္နည္းပါးသည္။ သို႔ရာတြင္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရွိ အျခားေသာလက္နက္ကိုင္အဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ားႏွင့္ မတူညီသည့္အခ်က္မွာ မူဆလင္လက္နက္ကိုင္အဖြဲ႔အခ်ိဳ႔သည္ ကမာၻလံုးဆိုင္ရာအစၥလာမၼစ္အဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ားႏွင့္လည္း ခ်ိတ္ဆက္လႈပ္ရွားမႈမ်ား ရွိခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာတပ္ေပါင္းစု (
Rohingya Solidarity Organization) သည္ ဘင္းဂလားေဒ့ရွ္ ၊ ပါကစၥတန္ႏွင့္ အာဖဂန္နစၥတန္ႏိုင္ငံတို႔တြင္ အေျခစိုက္ေသာ အစြန္းေရာက္မူဆလင္အၾကမ္းဖက္အဖြဲ႔မ်ားႏွင့္ သိသာစြာဆက္သြယ္မႈမ်ားရွိေနသည္ကို ဆယ္စုႏွစ္အနည္းငယ္ကပင္ ႏိုင္ငံတကာမွ သိရွိၿပီးျဖစ္သည္။ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာတပ္ေပါင္းစု (Rohingya Solidarity Organization) သည္ တည္ေထာင္စဥ္အခ်ိန္မွရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္မွာ ေကာက္ဘဇား (Cox’s Bazar) ႏွင့္ စစ္တေကာင္း (Chittagong) နယ္မ်ားအတြင္းရွိ ဒုကၡသည္ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာအမည္ခံဘင္ဂါလီမ်ား၏ အက်ိဳးအတြက္ဟုဆိုေသာ္လည္း ေနာက္ပိုင္းတြင္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံႏွင့္ ဘင္းဂလားေဒ့ရွ္ႏိုင္ငံအတြင္းရွိရိုဟင္ဂ်ာအမည္ခံဘင္ဂါလီမ်ား ေနထိုင္ရာေဒသမ်ားကိုစုေပါင္းကာ မူဆလင္မ်ား ကိုယ္ပိုင္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခြင့္ရျပည္နယ္ ထူေထာင္ေရးအျဖစ္ ေျပာင္းလဲလာသည္။ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာတပ္ေပါင္းစု (Rohingya Solidarity Organization) ၏ အေသးစိတ္အခ်က္အလက္မ်ားကို ရွာေဖြရာတြင္ လက္နက္ကိုင္အင္အား ရာဂဏန္းရွိသည္ဟုသာ သိရွိရသည္။ သို႔ရာတြင္ ယင္းတို႔အနက္မွ မည္သည့္တပ္ဖြဲ႔ခြဲသည္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတစ္ဖက္ျခမ္းတြင္အေျခစိုက္၍ ႏိုင္ငံတကာမူဆလင္အၾကမ္းဖက္မ်ားႏွင့္ မည္သို႕ဆက္သြယ္သည္ ဆိုသည္ကိုမူ အေသးစိတ္သိရွိရန္ ႀကိဳးပမ္းဆဲျဖစ္သည္။ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာတပ္ေပါင္းစု (Rohingya Solidarity Organization) ၏တပ္သားအမ်ားစုသည္ တရုတ္ႏိုင္ငံလုပ္ ေအေက-၄၇ ေအာ္တိုမက္တစ္ရိုင္ဖယ္မ်ား ၊ အေပါ့စားစက္ေသနတ္မ်ား၊ အာပီဂ်ီ(တူး) ဗံုးဆံေလာင္ခ်ာမ်ား၊ ေျမႃမႈပ္မိုင္းႏွင့္ ေဖာက္ခြဲေရးပစၥည္းမ်ား ကို လက္နက္အျဖစ္ကိုင္ေဆာင္ၾကသည္။ ယင္းအဖြဲ႔အစည္းသည္ ၁၉၉၀ခုႏွစ္ေနာက္ပိုင္းမွစ၍ တိုက္ခိုက္ေရးျပဳလုပ္ျခင္းမ်ား အားနည္းလာခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း ျမန္မာ-ဘင္းဂလား ႏွစ္ႏိုင္ငံေဒသအတြင္းတြင္ အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈႏွင့္ ဆက္စပ္ေသာလုပ္ငန္းမ်ားျဖစ္သည့္ လက္နက္ႏွင့္မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါးမ်ားေရာင္း၀ယ္ျခင္းမွ ၀င္ေငြအမ်ားဆံုံး ရရွိေသာအဖြဲ႔ျဖစ္သည္ကိုေတြ႔ရွိရသည္။ ပါကစၥတန္ႏိုင္ငံႏွင့္ေဆာ္ဒီအာေရဗ်ႏိုင္ငံမွ ရာဘိတယ္အလမ္အိုင္အစၥလာမီ (Rabitaal-Alam-I-Islami) အဖြဲ႔ ၏ ေထာက္ပံ့ေငြမ်ားကို ရယူခဲ့ေၾကာင္းလည္းသိရွိရသည္။

၁၉၈၀ခုႏွစ္ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာတပ္ေပါင္းစု (Rohingya Solidarity Organization) ဘင္းဂလားေဒ့ရွ္ႏိုင္ငံရွိ ဂ်မတ္-အီ-အစၥလာမီ (Jamaat-e-Islami) အဖြဲ႔ႏွင့္ အၾကမ္းဖက္ေက်ာင္းသားမ်ား အဖြဲ႔အစည္းျဖစ္သည့္ အစၥလာမီခ်တၱရရွီဘာ (Islami Chhatra Shibir) အဖြဲ႔တို႔မွ အကူအညီမ်ားကို စတင္လက္ခံခဲ့ေၾကာင္း သိရွိရသည္။ ဘင္းဂလားေဒ့ရွ္ႏိုင္ငံတြင္အဖြဲ႔အစည္းထူေထာင္ခဲ့ခ်ိန္မွစ၍ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာတပ္ေပါင္းစု (Rohingya Solidarity Organization) အဖြဲ႔သည္ အင္အားႀကီး ဆြန္နီမူဆလင္အဖြဲ႔အစည္းျဖစ္သည့္ ဟာရာကတ္-အာလ္-ဂ်ီဟတ္-အာလ္-အစၥလာမီ (Harakat-ul-Jihad-ul-Islami) ၏လႊမ္းမိုးမႈေအာက္တြင္ရွိေနခဲ့သည္။ (HuJI) ကို ၁၉၉၂ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ အာဖဂန္စစ္ပြဲတြင္ ပါ၀င္တိုက္ခိုက္ခဲ့ၾကေသာ ဘင္းဂလားေဒ့ရွ္လူမ်ိဳးစစ္သားမ်ားကို ေထာက္ခံရန္ထူေထာင္ခ့ဲျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ အဆိုပါအဖြဲ႔သည္ အယ္ေကဒါႏွင့္တာလီဘန္တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ား၏ ၀ါဟာဘီ ႏွင့္ ဒ်ဴရိုဘန္ဒီ (Wahabist and Deobandist) သင္တန္းနည္းလမ္းမ်ားကို မွ်ေ၀သင္ၾကားျခင္းမ်ားလည္းျပဳလုပ္ရာမွ အင္အားႀကီးမားကာ ကြန္ယက္မ်ားစြာလည္းျဖန္႕က်က္ႏိုင္ခဲ့သည္။

(HuJI) သည္ ဘင္းဂလားေဒ့ရွ္ႏိုင္ငံအေျခစိုက္ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာအဖြဲ႔၀င္မ်ားကို တပ္သားအျဖစ္ေခၚယူခဲ့မႈၿပီး ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာတပ္ေပါင္းစု (Rohingya Solidarity Organization) ႏွင့္အဆက္အသြယ္မျပတ္ ရွိခဲ့သည္ကိုလည္း ေတြ႔ရွိရသည္။ အူခီယာ (Ukhia of Cox’s Bazar) ရွိ ဘင္ဂါလီရိုဟင္ဂ်ာအဖြဲ႔၏ စခန္းတစ္ခုကို (HuJI) အဖြဲ႔မွ လက္လႊဲရယူျခင္းေၾကာင့္လည္း ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာတပ္ေပါင္းစု (Rohingya Solidarity Organization) အဖြဲ႔ပိုင္ဆိုင္မႈမ်ားကို ျခယ္လွယ္ႏိုင္စြမ္းရွိေၾကာင္း သက္ေသျပႏိုင္ခဲ့သည္။ ျမန္မာအစိုးရဘက္မွ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာအမည္ခံဘင္ဂါလီအဖြဲ႔သည္လစ္ဗ်ားသမၼတ (ေဟာင္း) မြမ္မာကဒါဖီ၏ ေထာက္ပံ့မႈမ်ား ရယူေနၾကာင္း ေျပာဆိုမႈမ်ားရွိခဲ့သည္။ ၁၉၉၄ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာတပ္ေပါင္းစု (Rohingya Solidarity Organization) အဖြဲ႔၀င္ ၈ေယာက္သည္ လစ္ဗ်ားႏိုင္ငံတြင္ အၾကမ္းဖက္သင္တန္းမ်ား သြားေရာက္ေလ့လာခဲ့ေၾကာင္း သိရွိရသည္။ အေထာက္အထားမ်ားအရ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာတပ္ေပါင္းစု (Rohingya Solidarity Organization) သည္ ပါကစၥတန္ ကက္ရွ္မီးယားေဒသရွိ (HuJI) ယခုအေခၚ ဟာရကတ္-အူလ္-မူဂ်ာဟစ္ဒင္ (Harakat-ul-Mujahideen) အဖြဲ႔အစည္း၏ေထာက္ပံ့မႈမ်ားလည္း ရယူခဲ့သည္။ Continue reading “ႏိုင္ငံတကာအၾကမ္းဖက္အဖြဲ႔ႏွင့္ခ်ိတ္ဆက္မႈမ်ား”

Burma Delivers Its First Rebuff to China-Bertil Lintner-Yale Global

Ever since the brutal Burmese suppression of democracy movement in the late 1980s, China has emerged as the principal backer of the military regime that renamed the country Myanmar. Sanctioned by the West, the military regime depends on China for trade, arms supplies and infrastructure aid. Now a presidential announcement suspending the Myitsone Dam project on the Irrawaddy River, a joint venture with China, could signal the Burmese military’s disenchantment with China or at least a show of desire to distance itself from the powerful neighbor if only to win Western support, explains Burma expert Bertil Lintner. The move could also give the regime a degree of legitimacy because 90 percent of power generated was expected to go to China and Burmese citizens, including Nobel laureate Aung San Su Kie, protested the environmental damage. But playing the “China Card” while repressing citizen demands for democratic reforms may not be enough to satisfy the critical West. – YaleGlobal

Burma Delivers Its First Rebuff to China

Shelving of gigantic Chinese hydroelectric dam could be a signal to the West
Bertil Lintner
YaleGlobal, 3 October 2011
Blocking the dam: Burmese protesters in Thailand oppose China’s Irrawaddy dam project (top); Burmese president U Thein Sein (r) receiving Xu Caihou, Vice Chairman of China’s Central Military Commission

CHIANG MAI: At a time when Asian countries are increasingly worried about China’s growing assertiveness, Burma’s rejection of a huge Chinese hydroelectric dam project has raised new questions: Is this a rare victory for civil society in a repressive country? Or does it indicate an internal dispute over the country’s dependence on China? Regardless of the answers to these questions, the public difference over a close ally’s project marks a new stage in the Burma-China relationship.

On September 30, Burma’s new president, Thein Sein, sent a statement to the country’s parliament announcing that a joint venture with China to build a mega-dam in the far north of the country had been suspended because “it was contrary to the will of the people.” The US$3.6 billion The Myitsone Dam would have been world’s 15th tallest and submerged 766 square kilometers of forestland, an area bigger than Singapore.

It’s unclear if Chinese counterparts were consulted before the decision was made public. Burma has depended on its powerful northern neighbor for trade, political support and arms deliveries since the West shunned the Burmese regime following massacres of pro-democracy demonstrators in 1988.

Public opinion may have played its part. Under the 2006 deal, 90 percent of power generated from Myitsone would have gone to China. Anger over environmental destruction galvanized people against the regime in a way that the country had not seen for years. The dam was a dagger in the heart of the Kachins, the predominant ethnic minority in the area. Pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi threw her support behind the anti-dam movement. Many made their voices heard over Facebook – a new tool for anti-regime activists.

Burma depends on China for trade,
political support and arms deliveries – but the president said no
to the Myitsone Dam.

People inside Burma can’t protest openly, but “Save the Irrawaddy” meetings have been held in Rangoon. Burmese exiles have staged anti-Chinese demonstrations outside Burmese and Chinese embassies abroad. Anti-Chinese sentiment is growing in Burma, especially in the north where Chinese influence is the strongest. According to reports from Kachin State, many Chinese nationals working in the state, including traders, have fled to China following the outbreak of hostilities between the Kachin Independence Army and government forces.

But public opinion has never been a strong factor when it comes to influencing the Burmese regime. The regime doesn’t want to risk another outbreak of anti-government protests similar to the 2007 monks’ movement and invite international condemnation with more US and EU sanctions.

Dissatisfaction within the armed forces over China’s growing influence in Burma is a more likely reason for the move to suspend the dam project.

Burma has historically had a strained relationship with its northern neighbor. From the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949 until 1962, Beijing maintained a cordial relationship with the non-aligned democratic government of Prime Minister U Nu. Burma was the first country outside the communist bloc to recognize the new regime in Beijing. After General Ne Win staged a coup d’etat in 1962, the Chinese, long wary of the ambitious, sometimes unpredictable general, prepared for all-out support for the insurgent Communist Party of Burma (CPB). Continue reading “Burma Delivers Its First Rebuff to China-Bertil Lintner-Yale Global”