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Day: November 6, 2013
“အဲဒီေမးခြန္းကမေမးတာေကာင္းမယ္” “ခင္ဗ်ားဒီလိုမေမးနဲ႔”
“အဲဒီေမးခြန္းကမေမးတာေကာင္းမယ္”
“ခင္ဗ်ားဒီလိုမေမးနဲ႔”
“ဒါကေတာ႔မေမးတာေကာင္းမယ္”
ဒုတိယဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီးႄမင့္စိုးဆီမွာမီဒီယာသမားေတြဘာေမးခြန္းေတြေမးသင့္လဲသြားသင္လိုက္ၾကပါဦး။ :):)
photo credit: Rfa
MYANMAR-BURMA: MSF-Holland (AZG) Golfing With Generals In Myanmar
Whether or not international aid organisations should operate in the repressive, authoritarian state of Myanmar provokes passionate debate. On one side are many exile groups and their supporters—predominantly based in Thailand, the US and the UK—who argue that it is impossible to provide aid inside Myanmar without strengthening the military regime.
On the other side are aid organisations that have chosen to work inside the country. They argue that aid can be delivered responsibly and reach people in need of assistance without undue advantage to the junta.
The debate is acrimonious and brings out half-truths on both sides: the exile groups exaggerate the regime’s excesses and the benefits accrued from international aid, and in-country agencies, in response, downplay the constraints imposed on them by the military regime.
MSF-France Supporting KNU On Thai-Burma Border
The experience of Médecins Sans Frontières in Myanmar falls squarely within this polemic.The French section of MSF withdrew from the country in 2006 after five years of efforts to mount an effective malaria treatment programme in conflict-affected areas bordering Thailand.
It publicly denounced “the unacceptable conditions imposed by the authorities” which, if accepted, would render MSF “nothing more than a technical service provider subject to the political priorities of the junta”.
The French section of MSF began working with refugees from the Karen ethnic group in Thailand in early 1984 and was active until the 2000s in villages and camps along the border and in running cross-border operations into territory held by the rebel Karen National Union (KNU).
MSF-Holland (AZG) Supporting Bengali-Muslims on Bangladesh-Burma Border
At the other end of the spectrum lies the Dutch section of MSF which runs the largest medical programme of any aid organisation in Myanmar. It treats twice as many AIDS patients as the government and all aid agencies combined, and runs clinics across four of the country’s states and divisions.
Somewhere in between these positions, wracked with uncertainty, sits the Swiss section of MSF. It has faced major impediments to its projects since it intervened in 1999, but chose to quietly challenge government restrictions and persevere with its medical programmes.
The common explanation—whispered in the corridors of aid offices in Yangon and throughout the MSF movement—for the Dutch section’s success operating in this authoritarian state is that “the head of MSF-H plays golf with the generals”.
Like all good rumours, it is part based on fact. Unable to secure a meeting with the regional commander to discuss opening a clinic in a mining area of Kachin State, the head of MSF-Holland visited the golf club in Myitkyina where he knew the commander to be playing, and asked for his authorisation.
The request was granted and MSF established the clinic. In the moralistic tones often employed in the aid world, particularly in MSF, this story grew into a generalised myth that the head of MSF-Holland— who stayed an unprecedented fifteen years in the same post—had special relations with certain generals and was for all intents and purposes “a collaborator”.
The person in question did little to dispel the myth, avoiding debate on activities proposed, rejecting suggestions of public advocacy construed as critical of the regime, and publicly denying the difficulties of operating in Myanmar.
Nevertheless, that “playing golf” has become a euphemism for “collaboration” is indicative of a broader difficulty all MSF sections faced adapting their principles and methods of working to the Myanmar context.
After all, playing golf is a small price to pay for good relations with a commander who determines what MSF can and cannot do for the population. It might be different were MSF asked to buy the commander golf clubs, or renew his club membership.
But rather than ana-lysing how MSF-Holland mounted this ambitious programme in such a difficult context and questioning the methods employed, all MSF sections, including the Dutch section’s headquarters in Amsterdam, preferred to stick with, and then turn a blind eye to, the fallacy of an unhealthy and privileged relationship.
This chapter explores the political choices made by the three MSF sections in response to the constraints and dilemmas they faced working in Myanmar. How could two sections of the same organisation have reached such different conclusions over the ability to work in a country? What were the compromises made and strategies pursued by each that lead to such different levels of engagement with the Myanmar people?
The Choice to Intervene
Having no official mandate to determine the types of situations to which it ought to respond, MSF freely chooses where it will and will not offer its humanitarian medical assistance.
The French section of MSF began working with refugees from the Karen ethnic group in Thailand in early 1984 and was active until the 2000s in villages and camps along the border and in running cross-border operations into territory held by the rebel Karen National Union (KNU).
Although the refugee context was highly politicised, it seemed less problematic to assist victims of the junta outside the country than from within. So when MSF-Holland requested authorisation to enter Myanmar in 1989, it faced considerable scepticism from within the MSF movement.
The Dutch section’s primary rationale for intervening was to investigate health needs in border areas beset by armed conflict, and to be a witness for the outside world of what was going on.
The Myanmar army was conducting brutal counterinsurgency campaigns in several ethnic states bordering Thailand, Laos and China, which aimed to deprive insurgents of a support base by forcing villagers to move to government-controlled settlements and razing their homes and crops. Reports of rape, forced conscription and labour, and summary executions circulated among the communities of 140,000 refugees who escaped to Thailand.
Less was known about the hardships faced in Kachin State bordering China, where the Dutch section initially wished to go. Speaking publicly about the causes of suffering constituted an important element in MSF’s desire to intervene.
Repression elsewhere in Myanmar also “qualified” the country for MSF’s attention. Northern Rakhine State is home to Muslim Rohingyas and smaller Hindu minorities who are denied citizenship, and as such are more vulnerable than most to the arbitrary abuse of power by Myanmar officials.
Harsh laws govern almost every aspect of their lives, from the age at which they may marry to whether they may travel outside their home village, with sometimes dire consequences for their ability to access medical services. Unlike the Karen and Mon in Thailand, most Rohingyas who fled state repression were not given sanctuary in a neighbouring country, but were twice pushed back from Bangladesh, once in 1978, and again in 1994–95.
They returned to similar repression and brutality from which they had fled, exacerbated for many by the seizure of land and property by the government in their absence. Both the Dutch and French sections of MSF worked with the refugees in Bangladesh and were vocal critics of the government’s refoulement to Myanmar and the complicity of the UNHCR in the process.
In addition to the border conflicts and generalised repression, the Myanmar people suffer from a state of abject poverty brought about by the incompetence and investment priorities of the junta, which are sharply skewed towards maintaining power and military might over internal and external enemies—both real and imagined.
U WIRA THU : ETHNIC LEADER PAID RESPECT
CREDIT NYO OHN MYINT-U WIRA THU
we paid respect to Ashin Wirathu at his monastery in Mandalay this evening
AZG ဆိုတာကို့လာၾကည့္ပါ။_ AZG (ေခၚ) MSF-Holland ရဲ႕ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္း
http://www.mediafire.com/view/p3ex9mmts1zkakd/AZG_MFS_HOLLAND.pdf
ဂီရိမုန္တိုင္း က်ေရာက္ခဲ့ေသာ ၂၀၁၀ ခုႏွစ္မွစ၍ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္သို႔ NGO,INGO အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ား စတင္ ေရာက္ရွိလာၿပီး ၂၀၁၂ ခုႏွစ္ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ ပဋိပကၡမ်ား ျဖစ္ေပၚခ်ိန္တြင္လည္း ႏိုင္ငံတကာလူမႈေရး အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ား ထပ္မံေရာက္ရွိလာခဲ့သည္။
မဇၥ်မ မွဒီလိုေရးထားတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ရခိုင္ျပည္မွာ ကုလားေတြအတြက္ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ႏွစ္ႏွစ္ဆယ္ေလာက္ကပင္ေရာက္ေနတာကိုမသိဘူး၊
http://www.mizzimaburmese.com/2013-10-20-16-16-07/2013-11-01-01-48-27/item/15463-msf
AZG ဆိုတာကို့လာၾကည့္ပါ။
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AZG (ေခၚ) MSF-Holland ရဲ႕ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္းကို ၀င္လာရတဲ့အဓိကရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ဟာ သူတို႔အေခၚ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႔အေခၚ ဘဂၤါ လီေတြအတြက္ အႏိၱမရည္မွန္းခ်က္ထားၿပီး၀င္လာတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အဲသည္ ရည္မွန္းခ်က္နဲ႔ ျမန္မာျပည္ကိုသြားေစဖို႔ အလွဴရွင္ေတြရဲ႕ ေငြ အားေမာင္းႏွင္မႈနဲ႔ ဒီကိုေရာက္လာၾကတာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
MSF အပိုင္းအသီးသီးတို႔ရဲ႕ ျမန္မာျပည္ကို၀င္ေရာက္လႈပ္ရွားမႈသမိုင္းအေသးစိတ္ကို MSF ရဲ႕၀က္ဘ္ဆိုဒ္ေပၚမွာပဲ ေရးတင္ထားတဲ့ ေဒါက္ တာ ဖီယိုနာတယ္ရီ (Dr Fiona Terry) ေရးသားတဲ့ Myanmar. “Golfing with the Generals” ေဆာင္းပါးမွာ တိတိက်က် သရုပ္မွန္ကို သိရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီေဆာင္းပါးကိုဖတ္ၾကည့္ရင္ alibi project (မ်က္ႏွာဖံုး ႐ုပ္ျပစီမံကိန္း) အစရွိတဲ့ ထူးဆန္းေသာေ၀ါဟာရ အသစ္ အဆန္းေတြ ေတြ႕ရၿပီးသကာလ ေရနံေငြကို ေနာက္ခံျပဳထားတဲ့ NGO ေတြနဲ႔ပတ္သက္လို႔ ဗဟုသုတမ်ားစြာတိုးပြားမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာျပည္ကို၀င္ေရာက္အလုပ္လုပ္ခဲ့ၾကတဲ့ MSF ရဲ႕ အပိုင္းခြဲ သံုးပိုင္းျဖစ္တဲ့ MSF-France၊ MSF-Switzerland နဲ႔ MSF-Holland တို႔အ နက္မွာ ပထမဆံုးျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံနဲ႔ ထိစပ္အလုပ္လုပ္တာက MSF-France အပိုင္းျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ MSF-France ဟာ ထိုင္း-ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္ေတာက္ ေလွ်ာက္မွာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံကို၀င္မလာပဲ ၁၉၈၄ ခုႏွစ္ေလာက္ကတည္းက ႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ က်ယ္က်ယ္ျပန္႔ျပန္႔ အလုပ္လုပ္ခဲ့တယ္။ ျမန္မာ ျပည္ထဲကို၀င္လာဖို႔ ပထမဦးဆံုးအႀကိမ္ေလွ်ာက္ထားတဲ့အခါ ေအာက္ပိုင္းဗ်ဴရိုကရက္ေတြက ေထာက္ခံေပးလိုက္ေပမယ့္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးေတြ က စိစစ္တဲ့အဆင့္ကို ေရာက္တဲ့အခါက်တာ့၊ ထိုင္းနယ္စပ္ အကူအညီေပးေရးလႈပ္ရွားေဆာင္ရြက္မႈေတြ KNU နဲ႔ ဆက္စပ္မႈေတြေၾကာင့္ ပယ္ခ်ျခင္းခံရတယ္။
ဒါေၾကာင့္မို႔လို႔ MSF-Holland က (ဘဂၤါလီ) ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာအေရးနဲ႔ပတ္သက္လို႔ ၀င္ေရာက္ဖို႔အတြက္ လုပ္ေဆာင္တဲ့ေနရာမွာ သတိႀကီးစြာထားၿပီးလုပ္ေဆာင္ပါတယ္။ ပထမဦးဆံုးအခ်က္အေနနဲ႔ ထိုင္း-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္မွာအလုပ္လုပ္ေနၾကတဲ့ MSF-France နဲ႔ သူတို႔ကို ဆက္စပ္မျမင္ မိေအာင္ MSF-Holland ဆိုတဲ့ သူတို႔နာမည္အရင္းမသံုးပဲ သူတို႔ရဲ႕ ဒတ္ခ်္ဘာသာ နာမည္ AZG (Artsen zonder Grenzen) ကိုခံယူပါတယ္။ MSF ကိုမသံုးပဲ AZG ဆိုတဲ့နာမည္ကိုသံုးတာေၾကာင့္ MSF အသိုက္အ၀န္းရဲ႕ မ်က္ခံုးပင့္ၾကည့္မႈကို ခံရေသာ္ျငားလည္း ဒီလိုမ်က္ႏွာ ဖံုးစြပ္ လုပ္ရပ္ေၾကာင့္ ေအာင္ျမင္သြားပါတယ္။ AZG လို႔ပဲေခၚေခၚ MSF-Holland လို႔ပဲေခၚေခၚ သူတို႔အဖြဲ႕ဟာ ျမန္မာျပည္ထဲကို ေအာင္ေအာင္ ျမင္ျမင္၀င္လာႏိုင္ခဲ့တယ္။ ရံုးစိုက္အေျခခ်မယ့္ AZG ရဲ႕ ပထမဆံုး တရား၀င္ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေတာ္ ပုဂၢိဳလ္ျမတ္ဟာ ၁၉၉၂ ခုႏွစ္ ဇြန္န၀ါရီလမွာ ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕ကို ဆိုက္ေရာက္ေတာ္မူပါတယ္။
UNICEF ရဲ႕ ကမကထျပဳမႈအားျဖင့္ လုပ္ငန္းေတြကို စတင္ခ်ိတ္ဆက္တယ္။ UNICEF နဲ႔ အေဆာက္အအံု တစ္ခုတည္းမွာ ရံုးခန္းဖြင့္တယ္။ က်ဳပ္တို႔ရြာမွာ အရင္ေရာက္ႏွင့္ေနတဲ့ UNICEF ကေတာ့ AZG ကို ရြာကာလသားေတြနဲ႔မိတ္ဆက္ေပးၿပီး လမ္းေၾကာင္းရွင္း ေပးတယ္ လို႔ပဲ ဆိုပါေတာ့။
AZG က အကြက္က်က် ေျခလွမ္းေတြလွမ္းလာပံုကို ေဒါက္တာဖီအိုနာတယ္ရီက ဒီလို ေရးထားတယ္။
During the long period of negotiations to enter the country, AZG’s attention focused on the plight of Rohingyas in Rakhine State, following a government crackdown on dissent in 1991 and 1992 which provoked 250,000 to flee to Bangladesh. But access to Rakhine State was not what the government had in mind, and in its first year AZG was directed towards providing healthcare in Shwepyithar township on the outskirts of Yangon. AZG agreed to this proposal for “strategic” reasons, as a “foot-in-the-door” through which to build relationships of trust with officials, and encourage openings in areas with more pressing needs.
AZG ရဲ႕ အဓိကအာရံုစူးစိုက္ေနတဲ့ အေရးအရာက ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ထဲက ဘဂၤါလီ (ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ) ေတြရဲ႕အေရးျဖစ္ေပမယ့္၊ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ဘက္ကို AZG ကို သြားလာဆက္သြယ္ခြင့္ေပးဖို႔ကို အစိုးရက စိတ္ကူးထဲမွာေတာင္ ထည့္မထားတဲ့အခ်ိန္ဆိုေတာ့ ရန္ကုန္၊ ေရႊျပည္သာၿမိဳ႕နယ္မွာ ေဆးခန္းတစ္ခန္းဖြင့္တဲ့ ေျခလွမ္းကို “မဟာဗ်ဴဟာေျမာက္” ေျခလွမ္းအေနနဲ႔ စတင္လွမ္းလိုက္ပါတယ္တဲ့။
ဒါဟာ သူတို႔အေခၚ “foot-in-the-door” လို႔ေခၚတဲ့ သက္ဆိုင္ရာအရာရွိမ်ားနဲ႔ ခ်စ္ၾကည္မႈတည္ေဆာက္ေရး ေျခလွမ္းမ်ိဳးျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒါက မွတစ္ဆင့္ အရာရွိႀကီးေတြနဲ႔ ေဂါက္ရိုက္တာတို႔၊ အရာရွိႀကီးေတြကို လက္ေဆာင္ေပးတာ မိတ္ေဆြဖြဲ႕တာတို႔လုပ္ၿပီး မိမိတို႔သြားခ်င္တဲ့ ေနရာဆီ တျဖည္းျဖည္းေရာက္ေအာင္ သြားႏိုင္မွာမို႔လို႔ျဖစ္တယ္။ Continue reading “AZG ဆိုတာကို့လာၾကည့္ပါ။_ AZG (ေခၚ) MSF-Holland ရဲ႕ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္း”
MYANMAR BURMA PROTEST ELECTRIC FEE လ်ွပ္စစ္ဓါတ္အားခတိုးျမွင့္ံျခင္းအတြက္ ဆႏၵထုတ္ေဖာ္
yangon press
ဓါတ္ပံု – ခင္ေမာင္ျမင့္
ယေန႔ညေန ၆ နာရီအခ်ိန္ခန္႔က လွ်ပ္စစ္မီတာခ တိုးျမႇင့္ေကာက္ခံျခင္းကို ကန္႔ကြက္ဆႏၵထုတ္ေဖာ္သည့္ Generation Youth မွ ကိုတင္ထြဋ္ေအာင္ကို ေက်ာက္တံတားရဲစခန္း ေက်ာက္တံတားရဲစခန္းက ပုဒ္မ(၁၈) ျဖင့္တရားစြဲဆုိခဲ့ၿပီး ကုန္ေစ်းႏႈန္းက်ဆင္းေရးအဖြဲ႕မွ ကိုသိန္းျမင့္ေအာင္ ကို ပန္းဘဲတန္းရဲစခန္းက ေခၚေဆာင္သြားသည္ကိုေတြ႕ရသည္။
“လွ်ပ္စစ္၀န္ႀကီးဌာနထုတ္ျပန္ခ်က္ အလိုမရွိ” ဟု ေၾကြးေၾကာ္ကာ ၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္ခန္းမေရွ႕၊ အေနာ္ရထာလမ္းမွတစ္ဆင့္ ဗိုလ္ေအာင္ေက်ာ္လမ္းအထိ လွည့္လည္ဆႏၵထုတ္ေဖာ္ခဲ့သည္။ ဆႏၵေဖာ္ထုတ္သူ တစ္ရာေက်ာ္ခန္႔ရွိမည္ခန္႔မွန္းသည္ဟု ဆနၵထုတ္ေဖာ္ရာတြင္ပါ၀င္ခဲ့သည့္ အမ်ိဳးသမီးတစ္ဦးကေျပာသည္။
POPULAR MYANMAR NEWS
လ်ွပ္စစ္ဓါတ္အားခတိုးျမွင့္ံျခင္းအတြက္ ဆႏၵထုတ္ေဖာ္
ရန္ကုန္-ႏို၀င္ဘာ၆
လ်ွပ္စစ္ဓါတ္အားခမ်ားတိုးျမွင့္ ေကာက္ခံမွဳႏွင့္ပတ္သက္ျပီး ဆႏၵထုတ္ေဖာ္သူမ်ားသည္
ယေန့ညေနက ဆူးေလလမ္းမၾကီးတေလွ်ာက္ဆႏၵထုတ္ေဖာ္ခဲ့သည္။
ဆႏၵထုတ္ေဖာ္သူအေယာက္၅၀ေက်ာ္ခန့္ရွိကာ
ဆုူေလဘုရားတစ္ပတ္ဖေယာင္းတိုင္မ်ားထြန္းကာ ဆႏၵေဖာ္ထုတ္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။YN
Ex-PM Thaksin claims anti-amnesty principle twisted
BANGKOK, Nov 6 – Ousted prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra today deplored “distorted allegations” against him and labelled as groundless an accusation that he was attempting to reclaim his seized assets and whitewash himself.
In a statement issued by his legal adviser Noppadol Pattama, Mr Thaksin said there has been a move to distort the principle of the amnesty bill to create a misunderstanding that it was aimed at whitewashing him alone.
In fact, the principle of the bill is to resolve conflicts in the country and return justice to victims of the 2006 coup d’etat, he said.
He added, “In my capacity as former prime minister, I respect differences of opinions among Thai people but I cannot tolerate distorted and false attacks against my family and myself (that have occurred) in the last several years. My ultimate desire is to let Thai people have better lives, steady future while the country moves in tandem with global changes.
“It is sad to know that some groups of politicians still believe that false attacks against me would boost their political popularity – a tactic that has been rejected by the majority of Thai people as seen in every election in the last few decades.
“The 2006 coup openly breached the rule of law, tore down the people’s constitution, seized my power, led to people’s hostility against me, and slapped charges against me. Those actions were unfair to me and my family but I absorbed the pain so that the country could move on.
“As former prime minister, I realise that the country’s interest and people’s happiness are priorities. I look forward to reconciliation among Thai people, who should be kind to each other.
“Though residing overseas, I still love and feel concerned for the future of the new Thai generation. I strongly believe that their future and the future of Thailand would be stable when Thai people are treated fairly with the rule of law and genuine democracy. Decisions of the majority of people through elections must be respected and different organisations must exercise their powers within the constitutional framework.
“I offer my moral support and hope that we will reach that goal in the near future. I express my appreciation to your love and moral support extended to me through various channels. Let the love and moral support become strength for reconciliation, democracy and rule of law in Thailand.” (MCOT online news)
“ျမန္မာအလုပ္သမတစ္ဦးအဓမၼျပဳက်င့္ခံရျခင္းကိစၥအား MAT ညွိႏႈိင္းေပးႏ
ယမန္ေန႔မြန္းလြဲပိုင္းက ဘန္ေကာက္ၿမိဳ႕အနီး စမူပါကန္ခရိုင္ ဘန္ဖီးၿမိဳ႕နယ္တြင္ရွိေသာ aerosoft ဖိနပ္ အလုပ္ရံုမွ ျမန္မာအလုပ္သမ တစ္ဦးအား ထိုင္းအမ်ိဳးသားတစ္ဦးက အဓမၼျပဳ က်င့္ရန္ ႀကံစည္ခဲ့မႈအား ရာခ်ီရွိသည့္ ျမန္မာ အလုပ္ သမားမ်ားက မေက်မနပ္ ရုန္းရင္း ဆန္ ခပ္ျဖစ္ေနသည္ကို MAT အဖြဲ႔ ကသြားေရာက္ ေမတၱာရပ္ခံခဲ့သျဖင့္ လူစုကြဲသြားခဲ့ေၾကာင္း သိရွိရသည္။
အသက္ ၂၃ ႏွစ္အရြယ္…….. မ ……..က ပတ္၀န္းက်င္ကို ေအာ္ဟစ္အကူ ညီေ တာင္းခံခဲ့သျဖင့္ သူမ၏ ဦးေခါင္းအား ထိုင္းအမ်ိဳးသားက အုတ္နံရံ
ျဖင့္ေဆာင့္ ခဲ့သည္။ သူမက ရွိခိုးေ တာင္းပန္ေသာ္ လည္း အဓမၼျပဳ က်င့္ခဲ့သည္ ဟု သူမက ဆိုသည္။
ဘန္ေကာက္ၿမိဳ႕အေျခစိုက္ ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံေရာက္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားမ်ားအဖြဲ႔MAT မွ နာယက ဆရာေတာ္ ဦးေဇာတိက ႏွင့္အတူ သြားေရာက္ ေမတၱာရပ္ခံခဲ့သျဖင့္ လူစုကြဲ သြားခဲ့သည္။
ရာေပါင္းမ်ားစြာေသာ ျမန္မာအလုပ္သမားမ်ားက အဓမၼျပဳက်င့္သည့္ ထိုင္းအမ်ိဳးသားအား ထိေရာက္စြာ အေရးယူေပးပါရန္ ေတာင္း ဆိုခဲ့ၾကသည္။
နယ္ေျမ ရဲအရာရွိကလည္း ဥပေဒအရ ထိေရာက္ေရာက္စြာ အေရးယူေဆာင္ ရြက္ေပးမည္ျဖစ္ေ ၾကာင္း ကတိျပဳသည္။ အဓမၼျပက်င့္ခဲ့ခဲ့ရသည့္ ျမန္မာအလုပ္သမ ကိုမူ မလိုလားအပ္သည့္ ေနာက္ဆက္တြဲ ျပႆနာမ်ား မေပၚေပါက္ေစရန္အတြက္ ေဆး၀ါးကုသ မႈခံယူေစခဲ့သည္။ အဓမၼျပဳက်င့္သည့္ ထိုင္းအမ်ိဳးသားကိုမူ ရဲစခန္းက
ေခၚေဆာင္သြားခဲ့သည္။ အလုပ္သမားမ်ားက ျမန္မာသံရံုး အလုပ္သမားအရာရွိကို အေၾကာင္းၾကားထားေၾကာင္းလည္း ေျပာျပၾကသည္။ မဟာခ်ိဳင္အေျခစိုက္ အလုပ္သမားအဖြဲ႔ တစ္ခုကလည္း လာေရာက္၍ စစ္ေဆးမႈမ်ားျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း အလုပ္သမားမ်ားကေျပာသည္။
————–
ပတ္စပို႔ႏွင့္အလုပ္ပါမစ္ရွိသည့္အလုပ္သမား၃ဦးတစ္ေန႔တည္း ၂ႀကိမ္အဖမ္းခံရ” Continue reading ““ျမန္မာအလုပ္သမတစ္ဦးအဓမၼျပဳက်င့္ခံရျခင္းကိစၥအား MAT ညွိႏႈိင္းေပးႏ”
Myanmar Burma sends back extradited Chinese citizens after their re-entry
EMG
MANDALAY—Myanmar authorities have returned six Chinese citizens who were found to have re-entered the country via Mandalay International Airport after being extradited to China for violating visa rules, according to a government official.
The director of Mandalay Region’s Immigration and National Registration Department said the Chinese citizens in question were blacklisted for violating visa rules and then extradited. They entered the country again holding new passports, he said.
“These were cases in which some people re-entered the country with news passports pretending not to know about being blacklisted. After inspection, we sent them back from the airport. They were from Kyaukse and Myitha towns in Mandalay region, where they used to engage in agriculture,” said department director Thaung Zaw.
According to the department, five other Chinese citizens were extradited last month after completing their prison terms.
Monthly, about 500 Chinese citizens arrive in Mandalay region on business visas. They usually work in oil and gas, mining and agriculture. With business visas, they can stay in Myanmar for up to 70 days.
INTERVIEW ရခိုင္တပ္မေတာ္ စစ္ဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္ ဗိုလ္မွဴးခ်ဳပ္ ထြန္းျမတ္ႏိုင္ႏွင့္ ေတြ႔ဆုံျခင္း
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္ သက္တမ္းအႏုဆုံး တိုင္းရင္းသားလက္နက္ကိုင္ အဖြဲ႕တစ္ခုျဖစ္ၿပီး ၂၀၀၈ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ေကအိုင္အို ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္နယ္ေျမ အတြင္း ယာယီဌာနခ်ဳပ္ ဖြင့္လွစ္ တည္ေထာင္ထားေသာ ရခိုင္တပ္မေတာ္ (AA) ၏ စစ္ဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္ ဗိုလ္မွဴးခ်ဳပ္ ထြန္းျမတ္ႏိုင္ႏွင့္ The Voice သတင္းအဖြဲ႕ လိုင္ဇာၿမဳိ႕၌ ေတြ႔ဆုံ ေမးျမန္းထားသည္မ်ားကို ေဖာ္ျပအပ္ပါသည္။
Voice : ရခိုင္တပ္မေတာ္ အေၾကာင္းကို အနည္းငယ္ ေျပာျပေပးပါ။
UTMN : ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ ရခိုင္တပ္မေတာ္ (Arakan Army )က ရခိုင္ျပည္ ထဲမွာေတာ့ တကၠသိုလ္ေက်ာင္းသား ေတြနဲ႔ ေနရာအႏွံ႔အျပား တည္ေဆာက္တာေတာ့ ၾကာပါၿပီ။ ျပည္တြင္းစစ္ အစိတ္အပိုင္းမွာ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ ရခိုင္ေတြကေတာ့ မပါဘူးဗ်။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ ရခိုင္ေတြက အရမ္းဆင္းရဲတယ္။ သယံဇာတ ေတြလည္း အမ်ားႀကီးရွိတယ္။ အလားအလာေကာင္း ေတြ အမ်ားႀကီး ရွိေပမယ့္ စီးပြားေရး၊ လူမႈေရး၊ က်န္းမာေရး၊ ပညာေရး အစစအရာရာ အကုန္လုံးက အနိမ့္ဆုံးကို တျဖည္းျဖည္း ဆင္းသြားေတာ့ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ တကၠသိုလ္ေက်ာင္းသား အ႐ြယ္တုန္းက ဒါေတြကို ျမင္လာတယ္။ အဲဒီတုန္းက ကရင္ျပည္တို႔ ဘာတို႔ဆိုတာ တိုက္ပြဲ ျပင္းထန္တယ္ေလ။ ကရင္ျပည္က ကေလးေတြေရာ၊ ကေလးမ ေတြေရာ အျပင္ေတြ ေရာက္ကုန္တယ္။ ဒုကၡ ေရာက္ၿပီးမွေပါ့။ ဒါက ဘယ္လိုျဖစ္တယ္ ဆိုတာ အက်ဳိးအေၾကာင္း ဆက္စပ္ယူလို႔ ရတယ္ေလေနာ္။ ဘာေၾကာင့္ ဆင္းရဲေနတာလဲ။ ဘာေၾကာင့္ ခက္ခဲေနတာလဲ။ စစ္ျဖစ္ေနလို႔ ခက္ခဲရတယ္။ စစ္ျဖစ္ေနလို႔ ဒုကၡေရာက္ၾကတယ္ေပါ့။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ ရခိုင္မွာ က်ေတာ့လည္း ဒီ့ထက္ေတာင္ ပိုဆိုးေနတယ္။ အဲဒီအေျခအေနေတြဟာ ဘာေၾကာင့္လဲေပါ့။ ဒါေတြဟာ ဖိႏွိပ္မႈ ေၾကာင့္ေပါ့။
တကယ္ရွင္းရွင္းလင္းလင္း ပြင့္ပြင့္လင္းလင္း အားမနာစတမ္း ေျပာရ ရင္ေတာ့ ကြၽန္ျပဳတာေပါ့ဗ်ာ။ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ ေသြးစုပ္ခံရတယ္လို႔ပဲ ျမင္တယ္။ ဥပမာ- လမ္းတစ္လမ္း ေဖာက္ဖို႔အတြက္ ေက်ာက္တုံးေတြကို သယ္တဲ့ေနရာက လမ္းဟာ အရမ္းဆိုးတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ အဲဒီေနရာက ေက်ာက္တုံးေတြနဲ႔ပဲ တျခားေနရာမွာ လမ္းေတြေဖာက္သြားတယ္။ အဲလိုအေန အထားမ်ဳိးေတြ။ လွ်ပ္စစ္မီးတို႔ ဘာတို႔ ဆိုတာလည္း မရွိဘူးေလ။ ကြၽန္ေတာ္ ရန္ကုန္ကို ပထမဆုံး ေရာက္ဖူးတုန္းကဆိုရင္ ၉၆ ေလာက္တုန္းက ျဖစ္မယ္ထင္တယ္။ အဲဒီတုန္းက ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ စစ္ေတြမွာ ဆိုရင္ လွ်ပ္စစ္မီးက တစ္ေန႔လုံးမွ ႏွစ္နာရီေလာက္ ပဲရတယ္။ ၿပီးရင္ တစ္ယူနစ္ကို ၄၀၀ ေက်ာ္ေလာက္ ေပးရတယ္။ ရန္ကုန္မွာ ၂၅ က်ပ္ပဲ ေပးရတယ္။
ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ ဆယ္တန္းေအာင္စ ၁၉၉၆ တုန္းက ရန္ကုန္ကို လာၾကေတာ့ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ ရခိုင္ျပည္ေလ အရမ္းေမွာင္တာ။ အရမ္းေမွာင္ၿပီးမွ ပဲခူး႐ိုးမ ထိပ္ကို ေရာက္တာနဲ႔ ဟိုးဘက္မွာ လင္းၿပီးမွ သစ္ပင္ေတြ မွာေတာင္ လွ်ပ္စစ္မီး ထြန္းထားတယ္။ ဒါေတြဟာ ကြာျခားခ်က္ေတြ၊ ျခားနားခ်က္ေတြပဲ။ ဒီလိုမ်ဳိး အေၾကာင္းတရားေတြေပါ့ အမ်ားႀကီးပါ။ ဒါေတြဟာ ငါတို႔ အခြင့္အေရးေတြ ဆုံး႐ႈံးေန တာပဲေပါ့။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ လြတ္လပ္ေရးရတယ္။ သို႔ေသာ္ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ မပါသလိုပဲေပါ့။ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ ရပိုင္ခြင့္ အခြင့္အေရးေတြကို ဆုံး႐ႈံးေနတယ္ေပါ့။ ဒီလိုမ်ဳိး အေၾကာင္းတရား ေတြေၾကာင့္ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ ရခိုင္တပ္မေတာ္ဟာ ေမြးဖြားလာခဲ့တာပါ။
Voice : ရခိုင္တပ္မေတာ္ ဖြဲ႕ၿပီးေနာက္ပိုင္း အစိုးရနဲ႔ တပ္ခ်င္းထိေတြ႔မႈ ေတြရွိလား။
UTMN : ထိေတြ႔မႈဆိုတာေတာ့ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ ရခိုင္တပ္မေတာ္က အဓိက ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္မွာ လႈပ္ရွားတာ မ်ားတယ္။ တျခားနယ္ေျမ ေတြမွာလည္း အမ်ားႀကီးရွိတယ္။ တိုက္ပြဲကာလ မွာဆို ေရွ႕တန္းေတြမွာ တပ္ရင္းအလိုက္ေတာ့ မဟုတ္ဘူးေပါ့ ။ စစ္ေၾကာင္းအလိုက္ ခံစစ္စခန္းေတြမွာ ေနၿပီးမွ လႈပ္ရွားတာ ရွိတယ္။ ေနာက္ၿပီးမွ ရန္သူစစ္ေၾကာင္းေတြ ဝင္လာရင္ လႈပ္ရွားထြက္ၿပီးမွ ျဖတ္ေတာက္တာေတြ ရွိတယ္။ တိုက္ပြဲေတြကေတာ့ အမ်ားႀကီးပါပဲ။
Voice : လက္ရွိ အစိုးရနဲ႔ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးေဆြးေႏြးမႈ အေျခအေနအပိုင္းေရာ ဘယ္လိုရွိလဲ။
UTMN : အစိုးရက ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔နဲ႔ေတာ့ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးကိစၥ ဘာမွမေျပာ ေသးဘူးဗ်။ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔က ကခ်င္ျပည္မွာ အေျခစိုက္ထားတယ္ ဆိုေတာ့ သူတို႔ အျမင္မွာ KIO/KIA နဲ႔ ေဆြးေႏြးလို႔ အဆင္ေျပရင္ အကုန္လုံး ၿပီးသြားမယ္လို႔မ်ား ထင္လား မသိဘူးေလ။ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ အျမင္က်ျပန္ေတာ့ ေနာက္တစ္မ်ဳိး ျဖစ္ေနတယ္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးျပႆနာက နက္နက္႐ိႈင္း႐ိႈင္း ရွိတယ္ေလ။ အဲဒါကို တကယ္တမ္း တိုင္းရင္းသား တန္းတူအခြင့္အေရးေတြနဲ႔ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအရ ေျဖရွင္းမယ္ဆိုရင္ အကုန္လုံးနဲ႔ေတာ့ ေျဖရွင္းဖို႔ လိုပါလိမ့္မယ္။ ကခ်င္နဲ႔ အပစ္ရပ္လိုက္လို႔ ရခိုင္နဲ႔ ျပႆနာ ၿပီးသြားမယ္လို႔ေတာ့ မဟုတ္ဘူးေလ။ သူတို႔ဘက္ကလည္း အေၾကာင္းျပခ်က္ေတြ ကေတာ့ အမ်ားႀကီးေပါ့ဗ်ာ။
Voice : ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးေဆြး ေႏြးမႈ မရွိေသးဘူးဆိုေတာ့ အစိုးရဘက္ကို ဘယ္လိုျဖစ္ေစခ်င္လဲ။ Continue reading “INTERVIEW ရခိုင္တပ္မေတာ္ စစ္ဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္ ဗိုလ္မွဴးခ်ဳပ္ ထြန္းျမတ္ႏိုင္ႏွင့္ ေတြ႔ဆုံျခင္း”
democracy for burma 
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